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Politics Mark Zdechlik · St. Paul, Minn. · Apr 2, 2014 Republican candidates campaigning for the U.S. Senate debate Tuesday, Apr. 1, 2014 at the Jewish Community Center / Barry Family Campus in St. Louis Park. From left to right are State Rep. Jim Abeler, David Carlson, Peter Swanson (standing in for candidate Chris Dahlberg), Mike McFadden, forum moderator Mark Miller, Monti Moreno, state Sen. Julianne Ortman and Phillip Parrish. Jennifer Simonson/MPR News Several Minnesota Republicans vying to run against U.S. Sen. Al Franken this fall sharply criticized the Democrat during a candidate forum in St. Louis Park on Tuesday. The candidates spent much of their time talking about national defense issues at the Republican Jewish Coalition-sponsored forum. All said they opposed Obama administration proposals to pare back the size of the military. "Global hot spots are increasing right? And the world is a more dangerous place. Why are we proposing to cut the military now? We're sending the wrong message to our allies and to our enemies," said state Sen. Julianne Ortman. They also blamed the Democrat for not cracking down on U.S. government spying on Americans. State Rep. Jim Abeler said the U.S. should look toward Israel's practice of "selective" intelligence screening. "When you treat everybody as though they're the enemy, we all could be the enemy," Abeler said. "You could be detained because they might suspect you and that's ridiculous. Iraq war veteran David Carlson, Naval Reserve Intelligence officer Phillip Parrish and businessman Monti Moreno also participated in the debate. Candidates also targeted Franken for helping pass the Affordable Care Act. Businessman and political newcomer Mike McFadden accused the senator of having the wrong game plan. "He thinks the federal government is the answer and he's wrong," McFadden said. With the exception of David Carlson, all candidates at the forum said they supported "personhood" legislation which holds that life begins at conception. "I believe in pro-life at conception," McFadden said. After the debate McFadden spokesman Tom Erickson said McFadden is "pro-life and believes life begins at conception, but believes in reasonable exceptions such as rape, incest, and life of the mother. McFadden is far and away the front-runner among the Republican hopefuls in the money race. He ended last year with almost $ 1.7 million in campaign cash. Franken ended 2013 with $4.8 million. Editor's note: An earlier version of this report included Mike McFadden among the candidates who support personhood legislation. The report has been clarified with more details of McFadden's position. mzdechlik@mpr. Mark Zdechlik covers politics for MPR News. Minnesota Public Radio ©2014. All rights reserved. Weather data powered by Forecast. 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Education Real-time Stock quotes, portfolio, LIVE TV and more. NewsMarketsMutual FundsCommoditiesPropertyPersonal FinancePortfolioMessagesLive TVCNBC-TV18moneycontrol. Apr 03, 2014, 05.03 PM IST | Source: Moneycontrol. Banks, capital goods, oil & gas and Tata group stocks saw selling pressure while defensives like healthcare and FMCG shares supported the market. Like this story, share it with millions of investors on M3Nifty snaps 10-day gains on profit taking; banks dragBanks, capital goods, oil & gas and Tata group stocks saw selling pressure while defensives like healthcare and FMCG shares supported the market. Equity benchmarks retreated from record highs on Thursday with the Nifty snapping 10-day winning streak on account of profit booking in banks, oil & gas and capital goods stocks. The market fell as much as 0.8 percent intraday but it managed to trim losses in late trade. The Sensex was down 42.42 points to close at 22509.07 while the Nifty fell 16.45 points to 6736.10 after hitting an intraday low of 6,696.90. Market experts see such intermittent correction going ahead, but they do not see major correction as they feel the market will continue to see record highs at least till general elections outcome. UR Bhat, MD, Dalton Capital Advisors said all the good news surrounding the expectations of a stable government has been already factored in. Infact he cautioned of a pre-election sell-off, but added the downside won't be much. The current rally is on the back of foreign funds and a favourable election verdict could take the Nifty 7,000, but after polls market may cool off , he said. He believes that this is not the time to make fresh investments in the market but those already holding positions may stay put. Banks, capital goods, oil & gas and Tata group stocks saw selling pressure while defensives like healthcare and FMCG shares supported the market. BSE Bankex fell more than a percent as top lender State Bank of India and its rival Axis Bank plunged 2 percent each. ICICI Bank was down 0.6 percent. Engineering and construction major L&T trimmed losses in late trade after the management clarified about write-off of slow moving orders . The stock closed with 0.77 percent loss after falling as much as 3.5 percent intraday. State-run power equipment maker BHEL lost over 3 percent while GAIL and Coal India fell 2 percent each. Petrochemical major Reliance Industries was down 0.5 percent and state-owned ONGC lost over a percent. IDFC shares plunged over 2 percent on profit booking. The stock rallied as much as 8.7 percent intraday today after the Reserve Bank of India on Wednesday has granted in-principle nod for banking license to company. Bandhan Financial Services was another company that received in-principle nod for banking license. However, shares of Hindustan Unilever, Cipla and Dr Reddy’s Labs bucked the trend with more than 1.5 percent upmove. ITC, HDFC, Infosys, M&M and Hindalco gained over 0.5 percent. Drug maker Sun Pharma was up 0.6 percent after its subsidiary Caraco has received approval from USFDA for diuretic drug Furosemide. Sesa Sterlite climbed 0.6 percent and Hindustan Zinc rose 1 percent after rating agency Moody's raised Vedanta Resources rating outlook to stable from negative. Declining shares outnumbered advancing ones by a ratio of 1493 to 1275 on the Bombay Stock Exchange. Meanwhile, the rupee closed at 60.16 a dollar, down 26 paise. Media report suggests that L&T may write-off Rs 15000 crore worth slow moving orders. However, in an interview with CNBC-TV18, AM Naik executive chairman said the company has not written-off slow-moving orders. Bank Nifty falls 1%, BHEL loses 3%; Sensex, Nifty weakRead More »Banking, capital goods and oil & gas stocks are dragging the indices. BHEL loses 3 percent, followed by Coal India, SBI and L&T. Sensex slips over 100 pts; cap goods, oil & gas, banks dragRead More »State-run power equipment maker BHEL topped the selling list, losing nearly 3 percent. Engineering and construction major L&T fell 1.5 percent as media report suggests that the company may write-off Rs 15000 crore worth slow moving orders. BHEL, SBI, ONGC slip 2%; BSE Sensex, Nifty in redRead More »The rupee is marginally higher on dollar sales by banks. However weakness in Asian currencies weighed on the rupee. Sensex retreats from record high; Bank Nifty under pressureRead More »The market retreats from its record high, falling marginally amid volatility weighed down by banks, capital goods and index heavyweights. It may be just profit booking after rising for last 10 consecutive sessions on the Nifty. IDFC jumps 9%, L&T & SBI slips; Sensex, Nifty flatRead More »IDFC jumps 9 percent as RBI gives in-principle nod for its bank license. SBI anf HUL are weak. 53084.35 -23.67 -0. Bank licence regrets: L&T Fin, Muthoot, JM Fin tank 9-14% India forecast to grow 5. See FY15 GDP at 5. Site Map | About Us | Contact Us | Feedback | Advertise | Bookmark | Disclaimer | Privacy Statement | Terms of Use | Careers Copyright © e-Eighteen.com Ltd. All rights reserved. Reproduction of news articles, photos, videos or any other content in whole or in part in any form or medium without express written permission of moneycontrol.com is prohibited. 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PoliticsNationalWorldSecurityEconomyD.C. Delay's Getting it rightIstook's RegulocityPhillip's Tea TimeRusty Humphries Rebellion Ortel's On the MoneyDeace's Midwestern ConservativeStoreTrending:SenateNational Weather ServiceNFLBarack ObamaRepublican PartyEditors' Picks:FBI seizes artifacts from Indiana collector, age 91, who says they’re legal‘Thermometer’ poll: N.J. Gov. Comment(s)Size: + / -Print| ReprintsBy Cheryl K. Justin Casquejo passes through security at a courthouse in New York, Wednesday, ... Follow Us OnFacebookFollow @washtimesQuestion of the DayThe Supreme Court ruled Wednesday that wealthy donors shouldn’t be limited in how many candidates they can contribute to during an election. View resultsThe 16-year-old teenager who sneaked past guards to the top of 1 World Trade Center — leading to an embarrassing situation for security — was sent for an assessment into a youth offenders program by Midtown Court Judge Felician Mennin. The boy, Justin Casquejo, was ordered Wednesday to return to court for further instruction on April 30, The Associated Press reported. He had been originally charged with criminal trespass. But prosecutors then added an addition charge for base jumping for his alleged climb up the nation’s tallest building. Justin’s sneaky mid-March success played out at length in the media. He sneaked through a hole in the fence that winds around the skyscraper about 4 a.m., then boarded an elevator and rode to the spire. He then scaled a ladder to get to the scaffolding to the sixth floor, court documents said. And he then used the ladder again to get to the antenna. Authorities also alleged that Justin dressed up like a construction worker and snapped photographs while on top of the center, AP reported. He was only stopped by security on his way down — about two hours later. The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey owns the trade center site and is reportedly looking into its security system in the wake of Justin’s climb. © Copyright 2014 The Washington Times, LLC. Click here for reprint permission.About the AuthorCheryl K. Follow @ckchumleyCheryl Chumley is a continuous news writer for The Washington Times. Previously, she was part of the start-up team for The Washington Times’ digital aggregation product, Times247. She’s also a 2008-2009 Robert Novak journalism fellow with The Phillips Foundation. She can be reached at cchumley@washingtontimes.com. Rep. Rep. Republicans say U.S. CommentsPlease enable JavaScript to view the comments powered by Disqus. U.S. Top 10 handguns in the U.S. By Andrew P. More... Hail to the Chiefs: U.S. Top 10 handguns in the U.S. - D.C. - D.C. 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Feb 11, 2007 (AMSTERDAM) —The former UN envoy to Sudan said that some hidden forces in Khartoum are hindering a peaceful resolution to the Darfur crisis as well as destabilizing the implementation of the peace agreement in southern Sudan. He further added they could be motivated by a combination of economic, political or religious factors. Jan PronkThe former Special Representative of the UN Secretary General to Sudan, Jan Pronk, told the Sudan Tribune in an interview that some forces are hindering efforts to realize peace in Darfur. He identified these forces as the same ones that attempting to destabilize the south by arming militias. Pronk said that these forces had “never liked the CPA and in turn blamed al-Bashir and his 2nd Vice president Ali Osman Taha for what they thought to be too many concessions made.” He said they could be composed of economic forces linked to oil “or it could just be traditional political forces who want to have a strong huge big Sudan or simply more conservative Islamists. It could be a combination of all that. Pronk mentioned that theses forces are vague in structure and spread across the state apparatus such as the army, the ruling National Congress Party and the security services. However he added that president al Bashir is not personally behind it though he “allows it and may close his eyes in order to stay in power but these forces are quite strong. He also vehemently accused these forces of undermining the role of the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS). “I have stood up for my staff and defended them when I was there. The UN mission in Sudan (UNMIS) has been beheaded and the current leadership is officially in charge but in reality they are handling more of the managerial aspect of the peace agreement and they are not backed by New York.” he said. Pronk explained that the Sudanese president opposition to the deployment of UN peacekeepers in Darfur is the outcome of a complex balance of power within the ruling party. He said that Bashir was misinformed and manipulated by these omnipresent forces. He also added that Sudanese president has to weigh two risks : the risk of international sanctions and diplomatic isolation or an internal power strife and domestic turmoil. According to Pronk, al-Bashir chose to avoid the second because the first risk is “practically non-existent. Pronk welcomed the role of the International Criminal Court in Darfur. He said that the upcoming indictments by the ICC would help neutralize forces that are mobilizing militias and are behind the Darfur atrocities. In his response to the motives behind the negative attitude of the Sudanese foreign minister towards him, Pronk said that Lam Akol has acted as the foreign minister of the national unity government and that the SPLM wasn’t supportive of his decision to expel him. However, he underlined that the expulsion “was a violation of the agreement with the UN resolution establishing the UNMIS. The former UN SG envoy said that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement is, in spite of the political disagreements hindering its implementation, still on track. “The road to peace is bumpy and the train may easily derail at some points yet it is still on track. Nonetheless, Pronk considered that the political will of the two peace partners is the key element to resolve all these difficulties. On issue of Abyei, he said that what is important is to “solve the issue politically while guaranteeing security on the ground. The former UN SG envoy to Sudan said that the CPA is strongly linked to the resolution of Darfur crisis, and that even if the CPA didn’t collapse, Darfur crisis may lead southerners to vote against the unity because of their lack of confidence in the Khartoum government. Southerners “will take their own decisions of becoming independent as they don’t want to run the risk of being attacked in the same manner so it ends up being a vicious circle.” He further said that this decision “would be legally acceptable but will not be good for Sudan as a whole and a reason to return to war. The following is the full text of the interview with the former UN Secretary General envoy to Sudan, Jan Pronk. There was a public row in Juba between the Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and his First Vice President Silva Kiir in the celebrations marking 2 years since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Also, hundreds of people have been killed in bloody clashes that erupted in the southern town of Malakal. Pronk : The CPA is indeed in a difficult situation, but like I said in my last UN Security Council (UNSC) briefing a couple of months ago that it is still on track. The road to peace is bumpy and the train may easily derail at some points yet it is still on track. However there are a number of items that pose significant risks to the CPA such as the events in Malakal which could be repeated in other areas like Wau and Juba. The fighting in Malakal was the worst of its kind since the signing of the CPA. The fact is that the political disagreement between al-Bashir and Kiir has been ongoing for quite some time, but maybe for the first time it came out publicly in this manner. This is not a bad thing in itself and perhaps it is better to have it in public than having it in private. This was not so much of a dispute between the President and his Vice President, but rather between the President of Sudan and the President of Southern Sudan. I think that you should make this distinction. Pronk : No it is not a setback. This is an example of what I have reported before to the UNSC that the CPA may derail from its track and therefore they should stay alert. It is simply a political debate that was made in public and not a violent clash. The CPA is not dead and if there are differences then it is better to come out in the open rather than using it as a means to destabilize the CPA. Everyone have to be made aware of these differences rather than having the armed groups continue to carry out destabilizing activities in the dark. In the same context the status of Abyei remained a controversial issue between the National Congress Party (NCP) and Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM) with no resolution till this very moment. The Abyei Boundary Commission decided that Abyei’s should be part of southern Sudan. The Sudanese government argued that the commission has exceeded its mandate by issuing such a recommendation. Pronk : This is no longer an important question because these statements were made a year and a half ago. The question now is how to resolve this issue and it does not help repeating what have been said before. The important thing is to solve the issue politically while guaranteeing security on the ground. As long as the issue has not been solved politically this should not result in more insecurity on the ground which is the main concern. If the NCP and SPLM do not disagree on the Abyei issue then it is not for the UN to take sides because it was neither a UN report nor a UN decision to have a committee presenting a report and setting forth the procedures on the implementation of its findings. The important thing for the UN that there has to be a political solution and as long as they don’t reach one, then it should not have a negative impact on the ground. Let me move on to Darfur. The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) was signed in May 2006 in Abuja. You have been present at these talks. At the time the DPA was signed you were supportive of it and then later down the road you became critical of it. Pronk : I signed the DPA as a witness. I did not think it was the best outcome, but this is how it came out to be. I was not present during the last couple of days of the negotiations in Abuja, since I had to fly to New York for a meeting. The tables were turned upside down because when I was still there on Sunday Minni Minnawi was vehemently opposed to the proposed text of the agreement. On the other side Abdel Wahid’s faction was more positive towards it. In two days everything changed and Minnawi ended up signing the agreement while Abdel-Wahid did not. It was a complete shift of positions and I am not sure what caused the change. This question needs to be directed to the U.S. & U.K. delegates who were present at the Abuja talks. When I returned back from New York decisions have already been made so the UN signed as a witness. It was a peace agreement and a cease fire deal. Abdel-Wahid was asked to leave the room because he refused to sign. I did say that the agreement is a positive thing because clearly this is the only way to resolve the conflict. However I made it very clear from the beginning that if this agreement was seen as a finish rather than a step forward towards peace, then it would be a big mistake. During the weeks following the signing of the DPA many mistakes have been made by all parties to the conflict and the international community who assumed the agreement was the conclusion of the crisis. They labeled the non-signatories of the DPA as outlaws and threatened them with sanctions if they don’t sign. This attitude was adopted by the parties which signed the agreement along with the African Union (AU), US and UK. I warned them this is not the right way to follow up. As a result, the agreement became a splitting instrument rather than a politically binding one. Six weeks later I stated that the peace agreement was in disarray and gradually I raised my voice telling the parties that if they continue along this path there would not be a peace agreement anymore. The government and Minni Minnawi had no political will to bring the non-signatories on board but rather bombed and attacked them. These attacks were not in line with the spirit of the DPA. Pronk : Absolutely, and I emphasized this in all my press conferences that if you read the text of the DPA it is not a bad one from an institutional or legal perspective. That being said it was not a politically viable agreement because it between the government and a single rebel faction. The non-signatories were labeled as outlaws and they were being bombed. This resulted in a situation where the constituencies of Abdel Wahid rejected the DPA because they believed it was being used as tool to attack them. Gradually the DPA became paralyzed, near dead. I used a stronger term coma, to describe the DPA because the first few months the DPA did not function anymore. The UNSC has issued a communique saying that the DPA should the basis for the peace in Darfur. The Sudanese government is insisting that the agreement would not be changed and that the non-signatories have to accept it as is. Pronk : This is a power statement not a political one. The government can insist all it wants but if the other parties don’t agree then the DPA will not function. You can bomb and attack the non-signatories or use the Jinjaweed militias against them, which was the case. The mistake of some western countries is that they legitimized these attacks as a way to implement the DPA through calling the non-signatories outlaws or terrorists which encouraged the Sudanese government to attack their positions. As a result the DPA ended up pushing the peace away. It could have been different if at the outset all parties were admitted to the DPA institutions such as the ceasefire commission. Any ceasefire agreement needs to have a very strong and efficient commission and for that all parties should be present or else you can’t resolve ceasefire violations. The non-signatories were not allowed to join this commission which meant that they could be attacked and not have their voices heard. Pronk : I am concerned that this may happen even though it shouldn’t. I personally see that peace in the South is strongly linked to the peace in Darfur. When you have an ongoing war in a major part of the country then the unity of Sudan is at stake. The CPA may not collapse but it may result in a situation where Southerners will vote against unity because they have no confidence in the Khartoum government. This in my view, would legally be acceptable but will not be good for Sudan as a whole and a reason to return to war. If there is no peace in Darfur then there will be no confidence in the government since the southerners will blame them for the attacks on their fellow citizens in Darfur. They will take their own decisions of becoming independent as they don’t want to run the risk of being attacked in the same manner so it ends up being a vicious circle. The only way to avoid this is to have peace in Darfur as soon as possible. This is what the international community should understand ; if they want to have peace in the North East part of Africa then Darfur is the key to that. Given the fact that you have voiced all these concerns to the UNSC yet the latter has been almost ineffective in trying to resolve the Darfur crisis. You have mentioned in one of your press conferences that the UNSC is not taking itself seriously. Pronk : I don’t know. I can offer a number of explanations but they will remain speculations. Perhaps they are busy with other issues such as the situation in the Middle East or they are too divided amongst themselves. It is also possible that they are underestimating the scope of the crisis. I personally think that it is a combination of all these reasons. Every time the rebel groups convene in an area and discuss uniting their ranks the Sudanese government bombs these areas. Pronk : Unfortunately the Sudanese government does not fear international reaction since any bombing raids or Jinjwaeed attacks are violations of UNSC resolutions and even the DPA. The Sudanese government knows that they can violate the terms of these agreements without fearing any repercussions from the international community. The Sudanese government became determined to pursue a military victory. One example of is that when the rebel groups make promises to refrain from initiating attacks, the Sudanese government bombs them. The other explanation I can think of is that these attacks are carried out by other forces in Khartoum such as the army. Pronk : This is possible. No one knows exactly where the power lies. However if the second explanation is true that then this means that those who are politically in power would be more trustworthy because these forces are making life difficult for them but then they should be more open and ask the international community for help against those forces in Sudan that aim to destabilize the South as well as Darfur. As long as they don’t do so they are responsible. You made frequent references to ‘the forces’ that are obstructing peace in the South and seeking a military solution to the Darfur crisis. Pronk : I am not mentioning names but we all know that there are some groups in Khartoum that never liked the CPA and in turn blamed al-Bashir and his 2nd Vice president Ali Osman Taha for what they thought to be too many concessions made. These groups in my view they are the ones behind the attempts to destabilize the south by arming some militias. There could be economic forces behind it linked to oil or it could just be traditional political forces who want to have a strong huge big Sudan or simply more conservative Islamists. It could be a combination of all that. There are similar forces who are trying to keep Darfur under control for economic reasons. I think you will find these forces in the army but not the army as a whole ; in the National Congress Party but not the NCP as a whole. You will also find them in National Security but not the apparatus as a whole. It is very vague and I do not think that President himself is behind it. I mentioned before that he allows it and may close his eyes in order to stay in power but these forces are quite strong. Pronk : I suppose that this part of the game. I think these are the same forces that are sidelining the UN and making life very difficult for their staff. The UN is much more under pressure than it was before I was ousted. I was standing up for my people when I was there but at the moment who is standing up for the UNMIS ? The attack on the UN compound in Nyala for instance is a shame since no one said anything against it. The Sudanese government can make life very difficult. This is intimidation and harassment and could go on even further. Pronk : Yes. This is a deliberate action to undermine the UN role in Sudan. I have stood up for my staff and defended them when I was there. The UN mission in Sudan (UNMIS) has been beheaded and the current leadership is officially in charge but in reality they are handling more of the managerial aspect of the peace agreement and they are not backed by New York. I blame New York for not backing its own mission and instead accommodating the power elites in Khartoum. The awful thing is that you are sending thousands of people to Sudan and let them swim on their own. They are in a very difficult situation. The staff in Sudan is part of our overall operations. This includes human rights monitors, aid workers, NGO’s, UNHCR, UNDP, UNMIS and various agencies. They are not backed by their capitals or UNSC. Pronk : I am referring to the administration of the UN as well as the UNSC. If you send a mission then you have to support them. Currently there is no adequate political backing. Pronk : I made it very clear publicly in interviews and more recently on ‘Hardtalk’ that Kofi Annan has done everything in his power and that he personally backed the UNMIS. I did not blame Annan. You blamed his office for not following up on your expulsion. Pronk : I have consistently said that it’s not important whether they back me or not. What is important is that they allowed a decision take place without addressing it which means that the Sudanese government is led to believe that they can go ahead and do what they please. The UNMIS is becoming less effective because the Sudanese government making life difficult for them. Never before did we have so many relocations and evacuations of humanitarian operations in Darfur. Pronk : I don’t know. Akol is a very clever and strong diplomat but I don’t know the political power structure within the government of national unity. I only know that the SPLM was not in agreement with the decision to expel me. Pronk : That is the question that you need to direct to him. I have my own analysis that is merely guessing. The fact remains that he has signed the decision considering me Persona non grata on behalf of the government of national unity. Pronk : No there is nothing personal. He is a clever politician and I am a clever politician. We did have difference in opinions. At a certain moment he reached a certain decision. He has the right to do so as Sudan’s foreign minister. This decision however was a violation of the agreement with the UN establishing the UNMIS. However it’s up to the UNSC to address that. Pronk : I think he has been misinformed and manipulated by some people who are part of the forces I mentioned before. The government is dependent on many power groups of different positions. Al-Bashir has to balance and accommodate these powers to keep the regime stable. Al-Bashir has to put the negative views from these groups into consideration. He has come to the conclusion that he has to weigh two risks ; the risk of allowing the UN into Darfur or rejecting them. If he chose the latter then he risks sanctions and diplomatic isolation. If he complies then he runs into the risk of an internal power strife and domestic turmoil. Al-Bashir has weighed these risks and determined that the second risk is higher because the first risk is practically non-existent. The UNSC is becoming all talk ; making powerful statements and passing resolutions with no follow up. They receive a report that the agreements are not honored so then they ask for another report, so at the end of the day the only risk that exists for Khartoum is the domestic one. Al-Bashir, being a politician took a rational decision based on his analysis of the risks involved and the power structure within his ranks. Pronk : Correct. This is what I said before. The New York Times met with a number of Sudanese soldiers in Chad and apparently what they said confirms what you mentioned in your blog about the low morale of the Sudanese army fighting in Darfur and retreating which lead to losses by the army and for sure the army leadership knows that. Pronk : One of the ‘mistakes’ of the government, and this is a soft description of what it really is, that they armed the Arab militias against the rebels. They didn’t use the army because there were too many Darfurians in their ranks who did not want to fight their own people. The government took the very wrong decision to arm the Arab militias known as the Jinjaweed. The Sudanese army is disciplined and I had regular contacts with them. It is a well organized and disciplined and up to a point respect international law and human rights. However they are not strong enough to fight the war in Darfur so they resorted to the same tactics that was used by the government in 80’s of deploying militias to fight the southern rebels when the army was not winning the war. The forces that are looking for a military victory are using paramilitary forces. By the way let me add that there are also Chadian forces in Darfur. Pronk : Definitely however I don’t say the Sudanese government but forces within them. I don’t even accuse al- Bashir even though he allows them to do so. It’s a conglomerate of power containing forces which can carry out those activities, but it is not a decision by al-Bashir. He assured me that they are not doing it and I trust him but it is being done and weapons are provided to these militias. Al-Bashir told me before that he instructed his commanders not to bomb areas in Darfur and I believe him but the aerial bombardment is continuing. Pronk : This is a current event but I was speaking of discussions I had with him last year. The forces I refer to are very strongly relying on paramilitary units. The PDF, Jinjaweed are very clever in the way they incorporate these forces. The Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has announced his intention to file his first case before the judges this month. Pronk : I think it would help. Pronk : Yes because they have had their chance. In August 2004 I told them that if you don’t want to have international legal proceedings then show that you are serious and do it your self and start your own proceedings in the national courts. What happened is that they have created something which was not serious. The courts which they established are only indicting low-ranked people not the real masterminds of the atrocities. They have shown that they can do it if they wanted to, but perhaps they unable or unwilling to do so due to the conglomerate of powers I described. It should now be handled by the International Criminal Court. Pronk : If that happens then it becomes part of a political deal and I don’t think the UN can subscribe to that. I don’t believe in such a deal which will be between the government of Sudan and people abroad, but who is speaking for the victims and all these refugees who lost their family members in this war ? You cannot have such a deal. What you can have is peace first and then justice. But in no way can you accept a deal exonerating those who are guilty. During the Nairobi peace talks between the Sudanese government and SPLM the issue of immunity was discussed to those responsible for the killings during the 21 years war between the north & the south. Both parties decided that they don’t want to talk about it. You will not find anything in the CPA on that which means there is no impunity. If anyone wants to raise this issue they can do so. It is up to the Sudanese to make that decision and the international community cannot do that on their behalf. You have been in Sudan for quite some time. Pronk : You have said that I was bitter which is not true. I loved the country and the people. I have been visiting Sudan during the early 70’s. Sudan has a very special place in my heart. I took the decision at the time to start an aid program to Sudan after the Addis Ababa agreement in 1972. The following year I became the Dutch Minster for development and determined that Sudan deserves assistance so I went there and I spoke with President Nimeiri. I told him that we want to be partners since he took a bold step by making peace in the south and provide aid half to the North and the other half to the South. I went to the South and had contacts with Vice President Abel Alier. We were involved in a number of projects such as the Juba University, bridges in Juba and the Jongeli Canal. In the 1990s I maintained contacts with president al-Bashir and late Jon Garang. I was the one who started the groups of friends of Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to give support to the peace process in the region from outside. I know the situation inside out and have been there very often so I feel I am friend of the Sudanese people. It is true that there are atrocities committed in Sudan and there are people responsible who I blame for it, but this doesn’t mean that I don’t feel myself a friend of the country and its people. Pronk : If I have time I will do that but I intend to be politically active and whatever I can do I want to continue doing rather than wasting time looking backwards. Memoirs are interesting but they are vehicle to look backward and I want to look forward. I have my notes and I will continue writing but at the same time I want to be active. Comments on the Sudan Tribune website must abide by the following rules. Contravention of these rules will lead to the user losing their Sudan Tribune account with immediate effect. Due to the unprecedented amount of racist and offensive language on the site, Sudan Tribune tries to vet all comments on the site. There is now also a limit of 400 words per comment. If you want to express yourself in more detail than this allows, please e-mail your comment as an article to comment@sudantribune. The Sudan Tribune editorial team. The following ads are provided by Google. SudanTribune has no authority on it. By Nurye Yassin April 2, 2014 - The changing world of the 21st century requires nation-states to transform the systems under which they have traditionally conducted their diplomatic activities. (... Isolating S. By Peter Gai Manyuon April 2, 2014 - There have been a lot of debates and confrontations from the Juba government about civil society participation in the peace process in the Ethiopian capital, (... By Alyssa Mesich April 2, 2014- If good information is not available then rumors will spread. The weak media culture in South Sudan continues to fuel the ongoing conflict because of limited (... UNICEF SUDAN PRESS RELEASE In Sudan, at least 26,000 primary school children risk repeating an entire school year Khartoum, 20 March 2014 --- Primary school-aged children in Sudan are in (... An Open Letter from Sudanese Civil Society Addressing the Meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) on the Humanitarian and Political Crises in Sudan H.E. President Thabo (... International Justice Project March 4, 2014 Open Letter to the UN Security Council : Five Years of Impunity in Darfur Must End On Fifth Anniversary of ICC Arrest Warrant for Omar Al-Bashir, (... Copyright © 2003-2014 SudanTribune - All rights reserved. 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A password will be e-mailed to you. Have an Account?Login Using This FormUsername Password Remember Me HomeWorldU.S. Added by Fern Remedi-Brown on April 3, 2014. Tags: guatemala Thirty years ago, a cancer diagnosis was tantamount to a death sentence, worldwide, with mortality rates for breast cancer at 58 percent. Technological advances in diagnosis and treatment have significantly reduced the risk for most cancers … for those who have equitable access to early diagnosis and care. A study released last month showed injustice between U.S. women of different races for breast cancer prognosis. Blacks on average are 40 percent more likely to die from the disease than whites, and this number grows exponentially in some cities: in Los Angeles, it is 70 percent. In Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs), the results are disturbingly similar, but the chasm is between wealthy and poor. The system in many countries does not provide care for those without means to pay for their treatment. For example, in Guatemala, women may have funds to pay for only a portion of their treatment to carry on the fight against their cancer, and then must stop. That amounts to a death sentence. Breast cancer is the second leading cause of death for women in the world. In Guatemala, over 40 percent of registered cases are a combination of cancer of the female reproductive organs and breast cancer. In the major public hospital in Guatemala, Hospital General San Juan de Dios, an estimate of 25 women are detected per month. Guatemala does not maintain official statistical health records for its citizens, and so there is a lack of official figures on the incidence of cancer in Guatemala. This is even more worrying for rural and indigenous women living in the interior of the Republic. In order to have appropriate treatment for breast cancer, first there must be accurate and early diagnosis. The most serious limitation to treatment for patients who cannot afford to pay for their care is the lack of public health support. Due to budget constraints at hospitals, support is minimal, focused on a small percentage of women who come to the National Hospital. Moreover, care is inconsistent. The majority of patients do not receive complete treatment, which forces women to pay for their own care. The cost can be more than Q50,000, or approximately $6,500. With a GDP per capita of the equivalent of under $3,400 (that is, the average income is half the cost of treatment/2012 figures), the cost is completely inaccessible to the poor. The situation is aggravated by inadequate initial diagnosis by some doctors in Guatemala, which result in medical treatments that assume other diseases. This slows appropriate treatment and causes cancer to spread throughout the body, putting women’s lives at risk and the fight for survival even harder. Moreover, even if there were sufficient funds to pay for treatment, there is a lack of adequate staff, medicine, equipment, and public budget to address cancer treatment for the poor, adding to the injustice. For those living in rural areas, lack of access to care if usually insurmountable: 51 percent of Guatemalans live in rural areas and a large majority of the nation’s poor live outside of the cities. In the 2011 U.N. Human Development Index, Guatemala was number 131 out of 187 countries. The Index measures standards of living, life expectancy, education, and literacy of countries worldwide. The higher the number, the greater the risk. People living in rural areas are highly vulnerable and indigenous communities (40 percent of the total population) experience the greater portion of poverty within the nation. According to the Guatemalan government, 70 percent of indigenous live in poverty. (See video below.) When women are heads of household, they also lack access to resources and assets. There is also poverty in the cities, where people often go from rural areas seeking work, finding low-paying jobs or none at all. Without a position, they do not pay into social insurance, which increases the population of patients in public hospitals, overburdening the already underfunded government system. In order for cancer patients to get adequate health care, they need to get to the capital. Many are referred to two public hospitals: Hospital General San Juan de Dios and Hospital Roosevelt, or to the private hospital Instituto de Cancerologia (INCAN). All three are in Guatemala City. The cost of transportation, lodging, food, medicine, and labs renders patients impotent to pay for their comprehensive treatment. Partial treatment has little effect on cancer, meaning that it is likely to recur. Without sufficient funding in public hospitals to subsidize care, many patients return home, having lost hope, ill and destitute. To combat this paucity of resources for the public, a grassroots advocacy group comprised of breast cancer survivors has formed in Guatemala. Their mission is to influence public policies and budgets there. Colectiva Reconstruyendo Vidas is a grassroots advocacy group comprised of breast cancer survivors in Guatemala. Their mission is to influence public policies and budgets there and ensure comprehensive treatment for women as their constitutional right.Rebuilding Lives Collective, Colectiva Reconstruyendo Vidas, has petitioned the State of Guatemala to provide comprehensive treatment for women as their constitutional right. Citing The U.N. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the group refers to the country’s obligation to ensure the health of its citizens. The group is lobbying Guatemalan Congress and the Ministry of Health to budget and provide resources to Hospital General San Juan de Dios and other public hospitals and to require that they give full, comprehensive treatment, as well as palliative care for patients and psychological support for their families. This means that the hospitals must be adequately staffed and have the equipment needed to provide high-quality care for all cancer patients in Guatemala. In addition, the Collective requests that the Ministry of Health and Education generate campaigns and activities to promote early detection of cancer, to encourage earlier treatment. And, they urge training for medical staff to learn how to detect the disease earlier. The goal of all of these efforts is to improve the cancer injustice for all citizens of Guatemala who have been or will be touched by the disease. In particular, the outcome for poor and especially rural women would be improved if these measures were followed. The intent of the work is to support those with scarce resources, and to work together in solidarity to fight for the life and health of women. The U.N. Like this:Like Loading... 248 Home Terms and ConditionsPrivacy PolicyLegalSiteMapAbout UsStyle & Submission GuidelinesTrendsRSS ^ Guardian Liberty Voice Guardian Liberty Voice Log in - Find us on Google+ Powered by Frackle Media - Designed by DiMarkco Chandler Send to Email Address Your Name Your Email Address Cancel Post was not sent - check your email addresses! Email check failed, please try again Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email. %d bloggers like this: Guardian ExpressMannKind Corporation: Saved by FDA? April 3, 2014MannKind Corporation can breathe a little easier now that the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has approved the drug Afrezza to the general market on Tuesday, which may have saved the company from sinking. 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The retired physician often gives passersby a friendly wave or a high-five as he cruises […]Nick NgCelebrating the 20 Year Anniversary of Final Fantasy VI [Video] April 3, 2014On April 4 1994 Squaresoft (which also went by simply Square sometimes) released what many will still call their favorite game in the series, Final Fantasy VI. For those in North America, it was first released here on the Super Nintendo as Final Fantasy III and not on until October 20. To help celebrate the […]Garrett JutteFor UCONN Huskies Shabazz Napier Staying in School Is Paying Dividends April 3, 2014For UCONN Huskies senior Shabazz Napier, the decision to stay in school is paying dividends. The 22-year-old guard has carried his team to the Final Four at a time when basketball players finishing out their college careers usually means a future in the NBA is out of the equation. Napier, however, is one of just a […]Rick SarlatSubscribe to Guardian Express via EmailEnter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. 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